By definition, Rajya Sabha is supposed to represent the
interests of the states at the Centre. Every two years, one third of the MPs of
Rajya Sabha are re-elected giving it a continuous nature unlike Lok Sabha which
will be dissolved for any general election. Now, there are two major
incongruities, which for all practical purposes are identical but look
different if we are looking from the same time window –
1.
Take the Union Territory of Delhi. In the Lok
Sabha elections, all 7 seats went to BJP. In the assembly elections, 67/70
seats went to AAP and the balance three to BJP. But, the two seats in Rajya
Sabha under Delhi quota are held by Congress. Going by the electoral numbers,
Congress doesn’t exist in Delhi. What justification have we got by giving
complete control of Delhi’s interests at the Centre to a party which lost all
the elections in the state? Ideologically, Congress is against both BJP and AAP.
Meaning, it neither supports AAP nor BJP in Rajya Sabha. Since the people
rejected Congress in elections, it can’t even claim to represent them. Acting
against the interests of the centre and acting against the interests of the
state, whom are they representing? This is the story at least for the first
year of AAP rule.
2.
Take the recently concluded Rajya Sabha
elections. Samajwadi Party got 7 seats, BSP 2, BJP and Congress 1 each. The
numbers reflect perfectly the strength of each party in the assembly. But the
issue here is that UP is coming to elections in months. This means that, in
case Samajwadi Party loses the elections, it is going to impose itself on the
people who defeat it as decision makers in Rajya Sabha. This is the story
today. Another interesting thing to note is that the next elected government in
UP cannot select it’s representatives in Rajya Sabha simply because the six
year tenure of the Rajya Sabha outlives the full term of the next assembly
Both of them point to one single thing – Rajya Sabha, though
it is supposed to support the interests of the states at the centre, it always
doesn’t do that simply because it exists even after the electorate which
elected it is completely dismantled. The greatest implication is this. Current
NDA government has a majority MP share in Lok Sabha and a majority MLA share
all over the country but still has a minority in Rajya Sabha simply because
most of the MPs elected are elected before BJP came to power in those states.
Even though the electorate has given a decisive mandate for BJP everywhere,
this single flaw of having it’s tenure even after the lapse of electorate puts
BJP in minority and hampers it’s decision making. After all, a bill to become a
law, should be passed in both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and the
overwhelming majority in the lower house turns meaningless just because of
this. Note that this is not an issue for the current government, but will be an
issue whenever there is a drastic increase in electoral gains or losses.
The other side of the issue is, who are those are getting
electing to Rajya Sabha. Let’s forget eminence and capability for a while.
Let’s take the names of a few – Ghulam Nabi Azad, Kapil Sibal and Arun Jaitley.
All of them are defeated in Lok Sabha but were made members of Rajya Sabha. How
can one justify a person defeated in direct vote takes a backdoor entry to
decision making through an indirect vote?
Let’s take another class of people – Subramanian Swamy and
Sitaram Yechury. Career politicians they are, can they be continuously allowed
to bypass direct vote by getting entry into Rajya Sabha?
Another interesting case is that of Ram Jethmalani. The
table below depicts his political fortunes
Start/Year
|
End
|
House
|
Constituency
|
State
|
Election Status
|
1977
|
1980
|
Lok Sabha
|
Bombay North West
|
Maharashtra
|
|
1980
|
1985
|
Lok Sabha
|
Bombay North West
|
Maharashtra
|
|
1985
|
|
Lok Sabha
|
Bombay North West
|
Maharashtra
|
Lost
|
1988
|
1994
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Karnataka
|
|
1994
|
2000
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Maharashtra
|
|
2000
|
2006
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Maharashtra
|
|
2004
|
|
Lok Sabha
|
Lucknow
|
Uttar Pradesh
|
Lost
|
2006
|
2010
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Nominated
|
|
2010
|
2016
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Rajasthan
|
|
2016
|
|
Rajya Sabha
|
|
Bihar
|
|
There are a few interesting things to note
a.
Lost in Lok Sabha in 1985 and enters Rajya Sabha
from a different state in 1988
b.
Enters Rajya Sabha from multiple states
c.
Removed from BJP in 2012 but still is an MP till
2016
d.
Career politician till 2006 but is nominated
then. Renominanted as a career politician in 2010.
Now, question time.
a.
Can a person be nominated from multiple states?
Contesting in direct elections is fine, but nominating from states, sometimes
he never went to?
b.
Defeated in Lok Sabha but given seat in Rajya
Sabha – how correct is that?
c.
Can a career politician become a nominated member?
d.
Can a nominated member become a career
politician?
All of this point to a serious clean up of Rajya Sabha as a
decision making body –
1.
The term of a state quota of Rajya Sabha should
lapse along with the state assembly which it represents.
2.
A person representing a state for Rajya Sabha
should either have a permanent residence(at least for the last 10 years) or
should have a history as an elected member in some capacity in the state.
3.
There should be a moratorium of 10 years between
the defeat in Lok Sabha and election to Rajya Sabha
4.
Either the person is a nominated MP or an
elected MP but not both
5.
Maximum number of terms as an MP Rajya Sabha,
the number dependent on the number of terms in Lok Sabha. After all, in a
direct democracy, I don’t expect one to rule me continuously without even
contesting an election.
6.
Salary as well as pension for MPs should be
calculated on per day basis, based on their attendance and not for the days
they didn’t attend. No walkouts or applied leaves above the stipulated maximum
should go as Loss of Pay
Well, there are much more to talk about like educational
qualifications, disruptions, maximum age and all, but the biggest thing is the
composition and attendance. Once they are sorted, we will be on an interesting
ground then.
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